After three years with Sunshine Coast station Zinc FM, Dunn returned to Brisbane to host breakfast on 4BC.
Gregg Easton
Moved to Triple M. Now at Mix 106.3 in Canberra.
Michael “Jordo” Jordan
Left B105, returned for a short stint at the beginning of 2005 and left again. Also worked for Triple M. Jordan died in a car accident in June of 2008.
Dean Kesby
Drive time, moved to Morning Crew in 2005. Joined NXFM and KOFM in 2006 as Program Director, before moving to Triple M Adelaide as Program Director and Breakfast Anchor.
Al Dobie
Floater then moved to Triple M in 1999.In 2005 became PD of Hot 91 on the Sunshine Coast before taking up the role of MD/APD of ‘Hot Tomato’, Gold Coast. Now MD/APD at KOFM Newcastle.
Donna Lynch
Inaugural member of the B105 Morning Crew. Now with 1116 4BC.
Craig “Lowie” Low
Moved to host the Today Network’s “Lowie’s Hot 30 Countdown” in 2005. Low was sacked in 2007, and is currently hosting “Lowie VS America” for the Macquarie network.
Rob McCasker
Moved to Triple M. Former Program Director at ‘Hot Tomato’, Gold Coast.
Gabby Millgate
Currently on SEA FM in Cairns hosting breakfast.
Gabby is not on breakfast anymore - she is on days and weekends. Not sure why she left - no announcements were made, she just suddenly disappeared from the morning crew. AK
Nights with Gabby6-12 is syndicated across north Qld on the SeaFM Network. Her feature film script has been optioned by Producer Murray Fahey and she is currently working on a sit-com project with Peter Phelps. Gabby moved from breakfast to expand her on air skills and now she knows how to work the lights, levers and thingies.
Joined B105 in 2005 to anchor workday from SAFM. Moved to Fox FM in January 2006. Resigned from Fox FM in October 2009, currently working in Dubai presenting the drive shift on Dubai 92.
David Rymer
Inaugural Night Announcer.
Zoe Sheridan
Co hosted the local version of the Hot 30 Countdown from 1995 until it was replaced by the networked Ugly Phil’s Hot 30 in 1998.
Ian Skippen
Inaugural member of the B105 Morning Crew. Left for Triple M in 2005
Ben Wasley
Former breakfast anchor on Gabby, Mike & Stav in 2006 can now be heard as panel op on the Hamish & Andy show on FOX FM in Melbourne.
Matty White
Started his second stint in 2006 as Morning announcer and Assistant Music Director. Left B105 and Austereo in August 2007. Then moved to Mix 106.5 as Music Director, since resigned. Now with Triple M Sydney. Married to Carla ‘Biggzy’ Bigsnasca from the Hot30 Countdown.
Also other former B105 announcers:- Kez, Nat Wust and Scott McDonald.
Former Blackthunder Pilots
Andrew G
Known on-air as “Spiderman”, Now co-host of Australian Idol.
Kyle Sandilands
Now co-hosts “the Kyle and Jackie O Show”, which is broadcast on 2Day FM and other Austereo stations.
The Labrat
Hosted Austereo’s Hot30 before moving to 2DayFMs Drive slot in 2005. Returned to head B105s Breakfast show in 2007.
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_B105_personalities”
Categories: Lists of Australian people by occupation | Australian radio personalities
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“All Due Respect” is the sixty-fifth episode of the HBO original series The Sopranos and the finale of the show’s fifth season. It was written by David Chase, Robin Green and Mitchell Burgess, directed by John Patterson and originally aired on Sunday June 6, 2004.
Tony Soprano is forced to make a decision regarding his cousin Tony Blundetto. With the Lupertazzi family continuing to press violence onto Soprano soldiers, particularly Benny, and threatening Christopher, Tony knows he must reluctantly take action. At Raymond Curto’s birthday dinner, Tony delivers a speech regarding the position the family currently is in. He states that ” must deal with this as a family and those of who are not with him… will be dealt with in time”. However, the soldiers are not giving up without a fight. Vito Spatafore states that he would be willing to die for a good cause, but that this situation is “bullshit”. At the pork store, Larry Boy Barese and associates discuss Tony’s favoritism towards his cousin Tony B. and that he probably would have surrendered anyone else.
Tony asks for the advice of his Uncle Junior, who is still homebound. Junior turns out to be no help since his attention span is impaired -— he’s more concerned about sending a fruit basket to his lawyer, Harold Melvoin, who recently suffered a stroke. Tony then seeks out help from Dr. Melfi, but as he cannot go into great detail, she is unable to advise him much, despite another reminder that anything they say remains between the two. This causes Dr. Melfi to become frustrated because a majority of Tony’s life is excluded from the therapy sessions. Tony visits Paulie Gualtieri and discovers the painting of the horse Pie-O-My and himself, which was supposed to be burned. He immediately takes it down and brings it to a dumpster. As he throws the portrait away in a dumpster at a vegetable market, he subconsciously contemplates an act of execution as he looks back and forth between the portrait’s hand and the sword, perhaps rationalizing his next step with an internal mention of “live by the sword, die by the sword” or possibly sees the painting’s symbolism of himself as a leader.
As Tony B. arrives back at Uncle Pat’s recently vacated upstate New York farm house after buying groceries, Tony comes from around the side of the porch with a pump-action shotgun and shoots his cousin in the head, giving Tony B. a quick death. This will finally appease the Lupertazzi family, and Tony would rather kill his cousin quickly, rather than let Tony B. be slowly tortured and killed by somebody else. Soprano then informs Phil Leotardo where Tony B. is hiding. When Leotardo arrives later to exact his revenge, he expects Tony B. to be alive in the farm house, but is shocked to instead find his corpse lying on a wood pile. Johnny Sack later calls Tony from his doctor’s appointment and tells him that “it didn’t solve a thing”. Tony agrees to meet Johnny the following morning at Johnny’s house to settle the families’ feud.
Tony finds Christopher and instructs him to retrieve Blundetto’s body and bury it. They discuss Adriana’s murder and involvement with the FBI. Tony asks Chris if Adriana may have mentioned anything to the FBI about Matthew Bevilaqua or Ralph Cifaretto. Christopher still feels extremely upset and betrayed about it all, but he says that he was careful not to let go of any information leading to the murders.
A.J. plans a party with a friend which turns out to be very successful. He and his friend make $300 each after expenses and drinks. When Carmela and Tony learn about his sudden business scheme, Carmela reveals that A.J. asked his guidance counselor which colleges would be suitable for studying event planning. Carmela also says that A.J. spends “all his time” watching the DVD of the movie 54 about Steve Rubell, the man who founded the famous New York disco Studio 54. The Sopranos find some solace in the fact that A.J. is “fired up about something”.
The following morning, Tony and Johnny Sack meet at the latter’s New Jersey home, in order to try to work out a solution to the current troubles between their families. Tony offers a percentage of the Bloomfield Avenue casino, which Tony put his now deceased cousin in charge of, as a peace offering for John to pass along to Phil. John considers the offer and Tony hopes to continue working with the New York family. As Johnny invites Tony inside for coffee, Tony sees armed men coming through the forest in the backyard and runs away. Johnny attempts to do the same, but the FBI raid the Sacrimoni home and Sacrimoni is placed under arrest. A few hours later, with Tony having made his way on foot to his own neighborhood, he calls his lawyer, Neil Mink, to ask what has happened. Mink informs him that John was brought up on charges which were built with the help of Jimmy Petrille, who had cooperated with the FBI for years. Mink advises Tony to be happy, since he was not mentioned in the indictment. Tony finally arrives home, via his back garden, and bangs on the back door for Carmela to let him in. She lets him in, though wondering how Tony’s shoes got wet.
Deceased
Tony Blundetto: Shot in the head with a 12 gauge shotgun by Tony Soprano in order to save him from a more painful death at the hands of Phil Leotardo after Tony B killed Phil’s brother Billy Leotardo
Title reference
Vito prefaces his criticism with “All due respect” when discussing with the other captains, the family’s problems with New York.
Silvio does the same before criticizing Tony for having too much pride. The phrase is intended to be one of reverence, but usually precedes someone in authority being told something they don’t want to hear.
Production
This is the final episode directed by John Patterson, who died in 2005.
At the end of the episode, Tony’s emergence from the rustling bushes reaffirms the use of the bear as a symbol for Tony’s dominating presence in his house. Based on the emerging location of the bear in earlier episodes, there is uncertainty as to the identity of the rustling figure.
Drea de Matteo reveals in the DVD commentary for the previous episode, “Long Term Parking”, that the character of Tony Blundetto was not initially supposed to die in the fifth season finale.
Blooper: when Carmela confronts A.J. about his college applications, his sleeves appear alternately as rolled up and not rolled up.
The scene in which Johnny Sack is arrested is shown again in the sixth season episode “Soprano Home Movies”, but a different take is used.
Music
The song played over the end credits is “Glad Tidings” by Van Morrison. It is also played earlier when Christopher talks to Silvio at a Roy Rogers, and later during a scene where Tony B. arrives at Uncle Pat’s farm, shortly before his murder. In The Star-Ledger’s review of this episode, it explains the song’s importance to the plot: “The episode’s use of Van Morrison’s “Glad Tidings” as a recurring motif was a classic example of the show’s attention to detail. Moments before buckshot hit Blundetto, we heard the verse that opened with “And we’ll send you glad tidings from New York” and closed with “Hope that you will come in right on time.”
References
^“‘Sopranos’ finale: One hit, bottom of the fifth”. Star-Ledger. http://www.nj.com/sopranos/ledger/index.ssf?/sopranos/stories/20040607sl_alltv.html. Retrieved 2007-08-11.
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The Sopranos
Creator/producers
David Chase ·Writers and directors
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Episodes ·Awards and nominations ·Music ·The Sopranos: Road to Respect·Pinball game
Fictional universe
Soprano crime family ·Lupertazzi crime family ·Satriale’s Pork Store ·Bada Bing ·Cleaver·Timeline ·Family tree ·FBI
Characters
Primary
Tony Soprano ·Jennifer Melfi ·Carmela Soprano ·Christopher Moltisanti ·Junior Soprano ·Big Pussy Bonpensiero ·Silvio Dante ·Paulie Gualtieri ·Anthony Soprano, Jr. ·Meadow Soprano ·Adriana La Cerva ·Richie Aprile ·Janice Soprano ·Livia Soprano
Look up Mighty Mo in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
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This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the same title.
If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article.
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Ryukyuan religion is the indigenous belief system of the Ryukyu Islands. While specific legends and traditions may vary slightly from place to place and island to island, the Ryukyuan religion is generally characterized by ancestor worship and the respecting of relationships between the living, the dead, and the gods and spirits of the natural world. Some of its beliefs, such as those concerning genius loci spirits and many other beings classified between gods and men, are indicative of its ancient animistic roots, as is its concern with mabui (???), or life essence. Over time, Ryukyuan religious practice has been influenced by Chinese religions (Taoism, Confucianism, and folk beliefs), Buddhism, Japanese Shinto, and (to some extent) Christianity. One of its most ancient features is the belief in onarigami (?????), the spiritual superiority of women over men, which allowed for the development of a noro (priestess) cult and a significant following for yuta (female mediums).
Ryukyuan religion, with its focus on ancestral worship, is naturally based in the family home. The oldest female relative acts as a primary celebrant, officiating rituals concerning ancestors, household gods and those family members who live both in and outside the home. Daily incense offerings are made and prayer “reports” are delivered aloud. Reports in which each family member is described for the benefit of the incorporeal being addressed. The oldest female relative is also responsible for cleaning and upkeep of the buchidan (ancestors altar, v. inf.), hinukan (hearth god and his home on the hearth), v. inf.), and “furugan” (bathroom god, v. inf.).
The ancestors and their relationship to time
The Ultimate Ancestors, those from whom all life springs, are Utin (”Heaven”, the father), Jiichi (”Earth”, the mother), and Ryugu (”Sea”, the place from which we were born). They originate and exist, along with kami, or the gods of the world, during the Usachi-yu, the “Ancient Age”. They are held in highest regard as the originators of all things and are worshiped in the community’s utaki (??). Ancestors living in the distant past but not in the Usachi-yu — that is, ancestors living more than about 25 generations ago but not living with the gods at the beginning of time — are said to be living in Nakaga-yu, the “Middle Age”. These ancestors are worshipped as collective spirits called futuchi (futuki), whose worship is focused usually in Buddhist temples. Other, more immediate ancestors are those who lived between the present day and the twenty-fifth generation into the past, a time period called Ima-ga-yuu, the “Present Age”. They are those enshrined in the family home’s buchidan, and it is these ancestors who visit on special occasions in the home and at the haka (”family tomb”, v.inf). (Matayoshi/Trafton, 39, 41)
Butsudan
A Ryukyuan butsudan
The butsudan (or butsudan) is the primary locus of ancestors worship. It is a space, usually a small closet, dedicated to the family altar and various memorial plaques featuring the names of ancestors. Incense and alcohol are offered to ancestors at the butsudan. In the Ryukyus the butsudan or butsudan (?? literally “Buddha Shelf”) does not house a statue of Buddha. It houses memorial tablets inscribed with the names of the family ancestors. The butsudan is placed in a room called the ichibanza (??? literally “first seat” and this room also serves as the guest room). The practice of placing ancestral tablets in the butsudan is believed to derive from the influence of Confucianism, jukyou ??. The Butsudan is passed from generation to generation, first son to first son. Only those who have inherited the parental house and carried on the main line possess a butsudan. The butsudan serves as the family gathering place on special holidays, e.g., New Year’s and Obon. Normally the butsudan receives offerings of incense, tea, water and cooked rice. During festivals the butsudan is lavishly adorned with offerings of pineapple, mango, apples, tangerines, exotic tropical fruits, sugar cane, and rice cakes. During these times, families may occasionally offer alcohol, in the form of sake or awamori.
Hinukan
The hinukan is hearth god, represented by three small stones and usually located in the kitchen. As his name suggests, he is essentially a fire god, but more specifically is the guardian of the “family fire”; his worship is officiated by the family matriarch. A community hinukan, by extension, is the guardian of sacred communal fire; his worship is officiated by the community priestess (noro, v. inf). The hinukan, while he inhabits the family home, doesn’t call it his own home, and in fact leaves to return to his home to celebrate the solar New Year (v.inf.).
Fuuru nu Kami
The fuuru nu kami, or “god of the toilet”, is the family protector of the area of waste. The toilet, lacking this benevolent god, could become a place of evil influence and potential haunting (such as by an akaname, or other negative spirit, welcomed by the accumulation of waste matter, rejected and abandoned by the human body). Because he is considered a primary household god, the fuuru nu kami’s habitat (the bathroom) is kept clean and is perceived to warrant deferential behavior. Reports on the family’s status are delivered regularly to the fuuru nu kami.
At the tomb
One of the larger types of shinju, or family tomb
Traditionally, periodic gatherings of the extended family occur at the family shinju (haka), or “tomb” (v. inf. for information concerning the traditional dates of these gatherings). The tombs resemble houses, complete with a courtyard (naa), family name markers, and “porch” upon which offerings are arranged. Inside the tomb is stored the cremated remains (funishin) of several generations of family members. Although responsibilities may vary on a case-by-case basis, generally it is the oldest male of a family whose financial responsibility is upkeep for existing tombs and establishment of new tombs once the old are full or should it be destroyed.
Various taboos exist in relation to the tomb. It is rude to point at a tomb, speak loudly concerning the dead around a tomb, or take pictures of a tomb without expressed permission. It is considered dangerous to desecrate a tomb with graffiti, by disturbing offerings such as flowers, or by damaging the tomb in any way. Also considered dangerous may be to approach a tomb without proper authority (such as relation to the family) or to visit a tomb at night.
During a typical extended family gathering at the tomb, incense, food, offering, and prayers are offered to ancestors, and then a picnic is enjoyed by those in attendance.
Especially important is the thirty-third year after a relative’s death; at this point, the deceased individual is believed to have taken his place with all his ancestors in the afterlife.
Though not haka, the royal tombs of the Ry?ky? Kingdom are located at Tamaudun.
Other gods, goddesses, and spirits
The most-often worshiped gods are undoubtedly those of the home; however, especially powerful deities are revered by the community as a whole, and certain legendary creatures exist who are not worshiped, but are respected.
Community worship
A model utaki set up near Motobu in Okinawa
Community worship most often involves that of marine and mountain deities, who determine the success of agricultural, shipping/trade, and fishing pursuits. Community worship also includes cthonic spirits inhabiting rocks, trees, caves, and springs, who are respected with deference in their province (such as by not moving the rock, harming the tree, or entering the grove/cave) and receive offerings. Especially old or powerful ancestors act as local deities and inhabit an utaki, or “sacred place”; this is usually a grove, a spring, or a cave located near the village, entrance to which is sometimes restricted and sanctity of which is always respected. The most sacred spot in an utaki is the ibi and the area around it (the ibi nu mae). Only the noro (v.inf.) may enter the ibi to make offerings and prayers on the ibi nu mae.
Examples of famous utaki are Sefa Utaki (the most sacred official place in the Ry?ky? Kingdom). Legend has it that the goddess Amamikyo, who gave birth to the islands of the Ryukyus, descended here. From this sacred grove, people prayed to Kudaka Island, Okinawa’s most sacred place. Once the inaugurations of the high priestess of the Shuri Court, kikoe-?gimi, took place there. As mentioned, Kudaka Island is the site of many utaki.
Other especially sacred places in and around Okinawa include the area around Nakijin Castle and Gusukuyama (or Tacchu), a high, steep peak on Ie-shima.
The line between kami, ancestors, and other spirits may be faint in community ancestor worship, such as when especially ancient ancestors are worshipped as with the same respect as other, never-corporeal kami. This is because “kami” is a broad term, meaning not only “god” but less specifically “concentration of spiritual energy”; thus, in the example of the especially ancient ancestors, they are treated as kami because of their power. Also, when a noro assumes the form of a god, she becomes the locus of this great energy, and thus is a kami. (Sered)
Negative spirits
Negative spirits in Okinawa are often in English referred to as “ghosts”, though they are not necessarily “ghosts” in the Western sense of the world (wandering souls of the dead). Those believed to visibly appear are usually the spirits of those who met especially horrible end or those who didn’t receive proper funerary rites; as World War II fighting in Okinawa was particularly protracted and heavy, there are many tales of ghosts and haunted places with military-related origin stories. Other negative spirits are incorporeal chthonic beings classifiable between spirits of the dead and gods.
Negative spirits are believed to be irritated or angered by human presence. Negative spirits are responsible for accidents, illnesses, and deaths befalling those who have had contact with their habitation. Thus even today, haunted places are especially sacrosanct, to the point that many people refuse to develop perfectly-suited properties or live next to beautiful areas because they have been judged to be inhabited by a negative spirit. An especially-famous example of this is the half-finished hotel project that stands within walking distance from Nakagusuku Castle in Nakagusuku near Okinawa City, which was abandoned during its construction as the result of several deaths both on- and off-site and still stands as it was; most Okinawan people will not go near the hotel.
Places are first determined to be haunted if people in contact with the areas encounter severe misfortunes. In this case, a yuta or several yuta are usually contracted to contact the offended spirit and determine both how the offending individual can recompensate for his trespass, and whether or not the spirit can be brought to terms with the aims of the individual for the spirit’s area. Though the spirit can almost always be pacified, it many times cannot accept the disturbance of its space, and thus the area is marked by the community as forbidden territory for development or travel. A yuta, a Buddhist monk, or a Shinto priest may be called upon to banish the spirit.
Magical creatures
A shisa statue placed on a roof
The kijimunaa (or bungaya) is one of the most famous of Okinawa’s magical creatures. A sprite (Japanese yosei), the kijimunaa resembles a short young boy and features bright red hair. They look somewhat like a Troll doll. Some say that only children or the pure of heart can see the kijimunaa. They may or may not be seen accompanied by fire. They live in the tops of Okinawa’s gajumaru (?????, or banyan) trees; they are especially famous in the Yomitan area, where their images can be seen in many places. Kijimunaa are known for playing harmless pranks. Kijimunaa can also be helpful, but they are quick to change their minds. They enjoy fishing and eating fish. The only thing they fear is the octopus. Belief in kijimunaa is representative of the spiritual power of trees in the Ryukyu belief system.
Another of the most famous Ryukyuan creatures is the shisa (”lion dog”). Shisa statuary is used for its ability to ward evil from a place. Its appearance and function is Chinese in origin.
Representative of the power of the sea are dragons, who often make appearances in Ryukyuan legend. In the Irosetsuden, for instance, dragons display powers like those of gods, and live in their own undersea kingdom. The traditional Ryukyuan conception of dragon is largely similar to that of China, though myths concerning an undersea kingdom of powerful reptilian beings are common to Central and East Asian cultures (see Reptilian humanoids in mythology).
Mabui
Mabui (???), or “spirit”, is a key concept in Ryukyuan religion. Mabui is the essence of the self, somewhat like the soul and somewhat like mana. Just as the soul in many traditions is immortal, so is mabui; also like the soul, one’s mabui is one’s defining characteristic, unique to the individual. The mabui of a dead person may cling to a living person, requiring a ritual of separation (mabui-wakashi) or a conveyance from the place of death to a proper resting place (suukaa). In a case of sudden death, an especially complicated ritual takes place in order to separate the mabui from where it is clinging (as though it still lived) and move it to where it can find rest. Like mana, mabui is transferable by contact: if a person is left his grandmother’s wedding ring, that ring — as an effect often in contact with the grandmother and only the grandmother — will have taken on the mabui of the grandmother. One’s likeness, whether rendered by photograph or any other medium, also contains one’s mabui. Due to their young age, the mabui of children is not as attached to their physical body as that of old people.
Mabui can leave the body, resulting in mabui-utushi (?????? “lost mabui”) with various physical results. The 2002 Okianwan film “Hotel Hibiscus” portrays many traditional Ryukyuan beliefs; among them, that of the loss of mabui. In the film, a young girl named Meiko loses her mabui after a fight with her father and a peaceful encounter with the ghost of her dead aunt. She becomes unresponsive, only coming out of her trance-like state to talk again with her dead aunt. This portrayal of the loss of mabui is somewhat accurate. Mabui can be lost as the result of fright, stress, loneliness, or helplessness, any circumstances in which a person suffers from a sudden shock or a lack of psychological/physical resources. A coma-like trance is one manifestation of the loss of mabui, but an extreme one. It seems that the loss of one’s mabui manifests itself first psychologically, as depression or anxiety, and then physically as general lethargy or actual illness. Poor relationships — be they with the living, the dead, or incorporeal powers — also may result in the loss of mabui.
Two rituals are performed in relation to mabui: mabui-gumi if one has lost his mabui, and uchatou-mintou to stave off mabui loss. All prayers are offered aloud.
Mabui-gumi
Performed as the result of the loss (or potential loss) of mabui. After being startled, while scared, or even after a sneeze, one says or has recited over him “Mabuya, mabuya, utikuyou” or simply “Mabuya, mabuya“. One can also regain one’s lost mabui simply by doing what one habitually does: sitting in one’s favorite chair, sleeping in one’s own bed, wearing favorite old clothing, or handling familiar, personal objects. More formally, a special ceremony can be performed by the family’s matriarch at the place of supposed loss of the mabui. First, prayers are addressed to ancestors and household gods at the home, and then the place of supposed loss is visited. A fruit offering, an incense offering, and prayers of thanks are all addressed to ancestors. Then three stones from the place are tied up in clothing worn during the loss, and the matriarch returns home to make an offering of the three stones and a special meal of rice balls to the ancestors.
If the case is especially serious, a yuta (v.inf.) may be involved in the retrieval of one’s mabui.
Uchatou-mintou
This daily ritual prevents loss of mabui, as well as prevents possession by foreign spirits, or “kakaimun“. It involves a morning offering of water and tea to household gods, along with prayers for a safe and easy day. In the evening, prayers are offered that describe the good works and characteristics of all family members. Incense is usually offered as well.
Kaminchu
Kaminchu (or kamigutsu, “god people”) are people specializing in Ryukyuan magico-religious practices, usually those involving incorporeal beings. Their social roles correspond to those of a shaman in that, depending upon their classification, they serve as mediums, especially-influential prayer and offering performers, healers/guardians, precognosticators/fortune-tellers/diviners, and sources of mediation both within the living community and between material and immaterial beings. Note that though they may assist in the transference of the mabui of the deceased (v.s.), they do not act as psychopomps, because they do not help guide a spirit out of this world and into one of the afterlife.
In Okinawan language, shiji means the ability to sense, communicate with, and direct the power of ancestors gods. Though men may display some of these abilities (such as fortune-telling) and often assist in rituals, women are the primary interlocutors between humans and spirits or gods in the Ryukyuan religion.
Noro/Nuuru priestesses
The noro or nuuru priestesses are the oldest kaminchu in the Ryukyu Islands. They communicate with, make offerings to, and, at times, channel ancestors, local gods, and more powerful deities. Their primary duty is to officiate at communitywide (that is, “official”) festivals and rituals. These rituals took (and sometimes, take) place in a sacred space, usually in a grove (or ong), at a cave, or by the sea. Men were forbidden to enter these sacred spaces (v.s. for more information concerning community worship). Another of their primary functions was the protection and fueling of the communal fire, which was used to establish new households. The noro also would perform divination to determine the best days for sacred ceremonies, for social functions such as marriage or funeral, and for agricultural pursuits (Kerr 33). Land was set aside for the use of the noro, who when local was called niigami and was the sister of the nitchu, the head of the oldest (or, later, most powerful) family in the community (called niiya). The noro was expected to remain a virgin. She was aided in her sacerdotal duties by a girl from every household in the community. The symbols of the noro are her white vestments and beads, often including a sacred, comma-shaped stone, the magatama.
It is interesting to note that, on smaller islands, idiosyncratic noro traditions persist. On Kudaka, for instance, people believe in a “priesthood of all women”, and all women serve the gods from age 31 to age 70. Their initiation rites, Izaihoo, are held every twelve years, and women are initiated between ages 31 and 40.
According to George Kerr in his Okinawa: the History of an Island People, the noro was at one time a priestess-queen, wielding both political and spiritual power within her community. Chinese records of the Wei dynasty described the political power of the noro in much the same way as Caesar described that of the Druids: influence over spiritual powers was used to wield judicial and martial influence over men . One noro, “Pimeku”, even attempted to forge a kingdom of independent islands (Kerr 31). The Ryukyu Islands are described as queen islands in Japanese records as well. Gradually, however, the noro’s role as ritual leader and religious consultant became independent of her role as political leader, perhaps as the result of sharing more and more power with her male relatives in order to deal with an increasing demand for her ritual services. The noro became more priestess than queen, though they still possessed some measure of political influence, as they eventually came to wield royally-sactioned religious authority through appointments first begun by the Ry?ky? king Sho Shin (Kerr 110). These appointments were primarily from local powerful families, to serve at their local sacred sites throughout the main island of Okinawa; this system of appointment also served Miyako Island and the Yaeyama Islands. The system was an attempt to bring under royal control the autonomous centers of power that were the noro priestesses. The association of the noro with political power persisted even until the late 19th century in the outer islands (Kerr 32).
Noro today can be seen on Okinawa at many festivals, most notably in Shioya in Ogimi Village and Iheya during the Ungami/Unjami festivals of July (Lunar Calendar).
Yuta
N.B.: Some of the information in the section may come from a non-scholarly source (The Shaman of Okinawa vs. the Gospel, v.inf. for bibliographic information); every effort has been made to only include scholarly information quoted in the non-scholarly source.
Yuta (sanjinsou, “tremblers”; Yonaguni monoshiri, “one who knows”; Miyako kamigakariya, “one who acts as a home for the gods”) are individuals who possess an especially strong ability to communicate with the dead. The name “yuta” was originally pejorative, derived from tokiyuta, or “one who deceived”; indeed, since the establishment of a united Ry?ky? Kingdom, their practices have been discouraged and repressed. They are employed in response to psychic disturbance or the possibility thereof. Whereas the noro is the official spiritual guide of the whole community, the yuta deals personally with families and individual paying clients to determine what spiritual circumstances have brought about or will bring about good or ill. They also see, channel, and communicate with the spirits of the dead in order to find out what is necessary to establish harmony in the lives of their clients. Because of this ability to interact with ancestors and solve daily problems, the yuta is probably the most influential of the kaminchu today, someone to be respected and somewhat feared. The yuta ability to channel the spirits of the recently dead, kuchiyose or migusou, is especially painful to her; however, this is one of their most common activities, as it is messages from and needs of the most recently dead that are often of greatest concern.
95% of yuta are women, according to Matayoshi/Trafton in their book, Ancestors Worship. They use certain rituals, dream analysis, and knowledge of case history in combination with contact with spirits. They often act as counselor, solving intra-family problems that may be generations old by talking with family members both living and dead to find the roots of issues. These issues can range from a child’s poor school performance due to lack of parental attention, to an individual’s alcoholism being the psychological result of the neglect of certain ancestors. Yuta also possess the ability to call and banish spirits, and thus are employed in cases of clinging or angry spirits (”hauntings” or “curses”). Many may possess the power to predict disasters such as earthquakes and typhoons, or may display other powers, such as healing or divining the location of wells or lost/stolen objects.
Yuta often notice their abilities early in life, and usually have had some significant suffering in their childhood. The abilities to interact with the dead and solve family problems are discovered or developed through this trauma. Problems may also arise through the rejection of the call to be a yuta; these are called tatari (”punishments”), the period of suffering during which a yuta discovers the spirits which have called her into service. Yuta may emphasize various Buddhist beliefs, such as that of not being able to call forth those spirits who have obtained Buddhahood.
In Religion and Folklore of Okinawa, Kanhan Teruya divides yuta into various categories. Three are yuta dealing with spirits from the “Present Age” (v.s.), those dealing with ancestors who died in the “Middle Age”, and those dealing with gods and Ultimate Ancestors. Some yuta are gamu mawari senmon, or those concerned with the use of caves. Some only arbitrate or advise. Also, yuta tend to either perform rituals anytime they are needed, or use only the Chinese zodiac days of the Tiger or Cow. (Teruya 255-256; quoted after Bollinger)
Others
Other classes of people wielding spiritual power in the Ryukyu Islands include the ukuri, or family priest/priestess; the usagiyaa, a prayer specialist (though lacking the power of the yuta or noro); and “book people” (shimuchi), various kinds of fortune-tellers that usually refer to charts and published interpretations of signs. Yuta and shimuchi may keep a suumun, a special box in which their fortune-telling guides are kept. Somewhat less important are Buddhist and Shinto clergy, who are generally only consulted for weddings, funerals, or on certain holidays associated with those religions (such as solar New Year activities). In the case of weddings, even Christian clergy may be called upon to officiate. Viewing of or participation in rituals may be forbidden to outsiders.
Religious calendar
Main article: Ryukyan festivals and observances
Most Ryukyuan festivals, observances and rituals are held on dates decided by the lunar calendar. Festivals common to Japan, like Obon, are held, along with those that are uniquely Ryukyuan.
The Ryukyu mythos
Nirai Kanai
Nirai Kanai is the mythical place from which all life originates. It is worshipped facing westward. Gods from Nirai Kanai are said to have brought different crops and tools to the Ryukyuan people at different times.
“Girai Kanai” is referred to in the Irosetsuden as the underwater realm of the Dragon or Sea King.
Objects of power
Various objects of power exist for Ryukyuan people; amulets are called munnukimun. Some of the most commonly seen are those purchased at Shinto shrines, such as charms for luck and safety. Others are of indigenous Ryukyu significance.
Sangwaa (susuki, or knotted grass). According to legend, an old fisherman in northern Okinawa returned home one night with a big bag of fish. He cooked his supper, but ghosts appeared and put their hands all in his food; when he began to eat it, he had terrible diarrhea. This happened night after night, until he created a san or sangwaa, twisted pieces of grass tied into a knot in the middle. The ghosts wouldn’t touch the food protected by this item, and he could enjoy his food in peace. Even today, this object can be seen employed in various ways as a ward against evil or, in the case of offerings, food rot. (Okinawa Folk Stories, 46-54)
A description of talismans from the source cited above:
The guardian shisa. Lion-dog wards. Described above and at their article.
Mulberry branches are often used during August to ward off evil.
Akufugeshi are made from conch shells and hung near cattle to ward away evil influences.
Suijigai are made from spider conchs and hung to ward away evil.
Shakogai are made from giant clams and placed near walls and at corners to ward away evil influences. One can see them on Miyagi, Ikei, and Tsuken Islands.
Gen is twisted grass hung from the corner of a house to ward away evil.
Salt is often placed at corners and in doorways to ward away evil.
In popular culture
The anime series RahXephon’s primary locations are on Nirai Kanai, a place close to the Ryukyus named after the legend; the series also provides an alternative explanation for how the Nirai Kanai legend originated. A shrine that is an important location for some of the scenes looks similar to a Ryukyuan family tomb.
The anime series Samurai Champloo, Mugen finds himself in Nirai Kanai. After protesting that he doesn’t want to go yet, he is “rejected” and brought back to life.
The third and fourth chapters of the Video Game LifeSigns: Surgical Unit deal with an island’s local superstitions concerning the Kijimunaa. The characters in the game refer to them as the “Kijimuna Elves.”
Works cited
Ancestors Worship: Okinawa’s Indigenous Belief System by Masaharu Matayoshi and Joyce Trafton. Printed at University of Toronto Press, Inc.: Toronto, Canada, 2000. ISBN#0-9801798-0-4. A large portion of the content of this page was drawn from this excellent and easy-to-read work.
Okinawa: the History of an Island People by George H. Kerr. Tuttle Publishing: Boston, MA, U.S., 2000. ISBN#0-8048-2087-2. A little dated, but still a great history of Okinawa (and in English!)
Eisaa by Manabu Ooshiro, trans. by Marie Yamazato. Yui Publishing Co. for Okinawa Department of Culture and Environment, Cultural and International Affairs Bureau, Culture Promotion Division, Naha City, 1998. An excellent introduction to Eisa traditions. Great pictures!
Irosetsuden, trans. by Sally Ooshiro. Presented as thesis towards completion of M.A., University of Hawaii, 1964. Along with the Omoro Soshi, one of the most important collections of Ryukyu history and legend. Compiled in the 17th century by Shuri scholars.
The Shaman of Okinawa vs. the Gospel by Edward E. Bollinger. Meynard Publishing Ltd.: Tokyo, Japan, 2000. ISBN#4-944025-73-4 C0039. A significantly biased presentation of selections of research concerning Ryukyuan beliefs in general, the yuta specifically, and their “inferior” relationship to Christianity. Excellent for translated/quoted material unavailable elsewhere concerning interviews with and history of the yuta.
Okinawan Folk Stories by Masaaki Nagata, trans. by Katsue Hyatt. A somewhat-disappointing collection of Uchinanchu folk tales. Better to read the one cited below.
Women of the Sacred Groves: Divine Priestesses of Okinawa by Susan Sered. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN# 0195124871.
Notes
^ ?Aka-name ~ ?? (????) ~ part of The Obakemono Project: An Online Encyclopedia of Y?kai and Bakemono
^
^ Kudaka lsland
^ Gusukuyama (Ijimatacchu)
^ Caesar 6.13-14, Kerr 31
^ Festivals and Rituals Of Okinawa - Shioya’s Ungami Ritual (Unjami)
^ MACHINAMI : Iheya Island
^ Okinawa Shisa Travelogue
^ Miyagi lsland
^ Ikei lsland
^ Tsuken lsland
Selected bibliography
Legends of Okinawa by Sesoku Chizue. First publication, Okinawa, 1969. Hard-to-find collection of legends and folk tales.
The Ghosts of Okinawa by Jayne Hitchcock. MHS Printing, April, 2000. ISBN 4-990-00359-5-X. A short collection of ghost stories from around Okinawa. More information available at the author’s website.
Ouwehand, C. (1985). Hateruma: socio-religious aspects of a South-Ryukyuan island culture. Leiden: E.J. Brill. ISBN 9004077103
See also
Ryukyuans
History of Ryukyu Islands
Ethnic issues in Japan
Folk religion
Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu
External links
(Japanese)?????????University of the Ryukyus Library Databases of many online old materials about the Ryukyuan Culture, such as old Chinese and Japanese texts in the ??????(”Iha Fuy? text database”)
(Japanese)???????(ORJ) Many old texts about Ryukyu, some are old Ryukyuan texts.
Okinawa Myths, Festival, and Priestess information.
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryukyuan_religion”
Categories: Ryukyuan culture | Religion in Japan
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* Senior club appearances and goals counted for the domestic league only.
† Appearances (Goals).
Martin Vasquez (born December 24, 1963 in Jalisco) is a Mexican-born American former professional soccer player. He is currently the head coach of C.D. Chivas USA, in Major League Soccer.
As a player, Vasquez enjoyed a long career in both the Mexican and American leagues, playing in the early years of Major League Soccer.
Vasquez also played for the national teams of both the United States and Mexico, the first player to do so, although he only appeared “unofficially” for the latter, in friendly games not fully recognized by FIFA, which allowed him to make the nationality switch later.
Contents
1Playing career
1.1Youth and College
1.2Club
1.3International
2Coaching career
3See also
4References
5External links
Playing career
Youth and College
Vasquez and his family moved to Los Angeles at the age of 12. He attended Alhambra High School in Alhambra, California, where he was a high school All-American soccer player. After high school, he returned to Mexico to briefly play for the B side of thenowdefunct Leones Negros.
In 1980, Vasquez entered the California State University, Los Angeles, playing on the men’s soccer team from 1980 to 1983. During his first two years, he spent the college off-season with Cojumatlan in the San Gabriel Valley Soccer League, in El Monte, California.
Club
In the fall of 1984, Vasquez signed with the Los Angeles Lazers of the Major Indoor Soccer League. He then played for the Hollywood Kickers of the Western Soccer Alliance. That fall, he joined the Memphis Storm in the American Indoor Soccer Association, where he scored seventeen goals and added nineteen assists in twenty-three games, ranking second on the leagues points list.
In 1987, Vasquez returned to the Kickers, now renamed the California Kickers. In 1987, Cachorros de la Universidad de Guadalajara signed the player, based on the recommendation of Hugo Salcedo, president on the Kickers. In 1990–91, he represented Puebla FC, moving to CD Veracruz in the following campaign.
In 1992, Vasquez joined F.C. Atlas, leaving four years later to return to the United States, with the establishment of Major League Soccer. That year, he was allocated to the Tampa Bay Mutiny, and played for the (soon-to-be defunct) team two years, rounding off his career with the San Jose Clash in 1998. The next year, he played for the Orange County Zodiac in the USL A-League.
International
Vasquez played three games with the Mexican national team. Two of those came against Russia, during César Luis Menotti’s spell as coach. However, none of the matches he played for his birth nation were FIFA-recognised.
He received U.S. citizenship in 1996. Subsequently, he was called-up to the national team by Steve Sampson, going on to earn seven caps in a two-year span. His debut came on December 21, 1996 against Guatemala (2–2 away draw), in a 1998 World Cup qualifier, and he last appeared in the home 4–2 victory over El Salvador, for the same competition, on November 16, 1997. He started the game, then came off in the 63rd minute for Mike Sorber.
Coaching career
After retiring from his playing career, Vasquez worked as assistant coach with Cal Poly Pomona and the women’s team San Diego Spirit, which folded soon after. He also coached the Damien High School boy’s team for two seasons. After one season as assistant with the Los Angeles Galaxy, he joined newly-created MLS team C.D. Chivas USA in the same capacity, on January 2, 2005.
Between July 2008 and April 2009 Vasquez worked as the assistant to Jürgen Klinsmann at German club FC Bayern Munich. He left when Klinsmann was dismissed due to bad results. Vasquez was hired to his first head coaching job on December 2, 2009, at former club Chivas.
Head Coach: Vasquez Assistant Coach: Llamosa Assistant Coach: Esparza Goalkeeper Coach: Percovich General Manager: Hamilton
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Vasquez”
Categories: 1963 births | American Indoor Soccer Association players | American soccer coaches | F.C. Atlas players | California Kickers players | California State University, Los Angeles alumni | CD Veracruz players | Dual internationalists (football) | FC Bayern Munich non-playing staff | Football (soccer) midfielders | Living people | Los Angeles Galaxy coaches | Los Angeles Lazers players | Major Indoor Soccer League (1978-1992) players | Memphis Storm players | Mexican American soccer players | Mexican American sportspeople | Mexican footballers | Mexico international footballers | Orange County Zodiac players | People from Jalisco | Puebla F.C. players | San Jose Clash players | Tampa Bay Mutiny players | Western Soccer Alliance players | United States men’s international soccer players | USL A-League players
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This page was last modified on 30 January 2010 at 03:49.
Coordinates: 41°51?25?N22°55?44?E? / ?41.85694°N 22.92889°E? / 41.85694; 22.92889Vlahina (Bulgarian: ???????) or Vlaina (Macedonian: ??????), meaning “Vlach ” is a mountain range on the border of southwestern Bulgaria and eastern Republic of Macedonia. The highest peak is Ogreyak (also known as Kadiytsa) at 1,924 m. Nearby towns include Simitli to the northeast in Bulgaria and Pehchevo to the southwest in the Republic of Macedonia.
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This page was last modified on 17 December 2009 at 03:12.
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goodbye_Cruel_World_(Pink_Floyd_song)”
Categories: Pink Floyd songs | 1979 songs | Songs written by Roger Waters | The Wall (rock opera)Hidden categories: Articles needing additional references from February 2010 | All articles needing additional references
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Digital Image Correction and Enhancement is a set of technologies related to producing an altered image in a variety of frequency spectra. The objective of these technologies is to render an image more usable by Fourier or other filtering techniques. These technologies were most actively advanced in the 1960s and early 1970s in the fields of strategic reconnaissance and medical electronics.
The term “Digital ICE” initially applied specifically to a proprietary technology developed by Kodak’s Austin Development Center (formerly Applied Science Fiction) that automatically removes surface defects, such as dust and scratches, from scanned images.
The ICE technology works from within the scanner, so unlike the software-only solutions it does not alter any underlying details of the image. Subsequent to the original “Digital Ice” technology which used infrared cleaning, additional image enhancement technologies were marketed by Applied Science Fiction and Kodak under similar and related names, often as part of a suite of compatible technologies. The ICE technology uses a scanner with a pair of light sources, a normal RGB lamp and an IR lamp, and scans twice, once with each lamp. The IR lamp detects the dust locations with its unique detection method and then inpainting is applied based on this data afterwards. The general concept is to subtract the position of scratches and dust from the RGB image.
Limitations of Digital ICE
Digital ICE is used to detect scratches and dust during transparent film scan and not applicable for opaque document scanning. Where Chromogenic black and white films are supported by Digital ICE, other black and white films containing silver halides are not. This is because the long wave infrared light passes through the slide but not through dust particles. The silver particles reflect the infrared light in a similar manner to dust particles, thus respond equally in visible light and infrared light. A similar phenomenon also prevents Kodak Kodachrome slides from being scanned with Digital ICE (Kodachrome’s cyan layer absorbs infrared).
Further Development
Kodak’s own scanner, the “pro-lab” HR500 Plus was equipped with Digital ICE that could scan Kodachrome slides effectively, however, this scanner was discontinued in 2005. Nikon introduced the Super Coolscan 9000 ED scanner with a new version of Ice (Digital ICE Professional) in 2004. Currently this is the only film scanner being sold that is capable of scanning Kodachrome slides reliably dust- and scratch-free without additional software. LaserSoft Imaging released an infrared dust and scratch removal tool (iSRD - infrared Smart Removal of Defects) in 2008, that allows every Nikon film scanner and many scanners from other manufacturers to make high quality scans of Kodachrome slides.
See also
Infrared cleaning
External links
Kodak official Digital ICE site
Digital ICE: Defect Detection and Correction Using Infrared-enabled Scanners Dr. Gabriel Fielding, Eastman Kodak Company
United States Patent 5969372
J. L. C. Sanz, F. Merkle, and K. Y. Wong, “Automated digital visual inspection with dark-field microscopy” J. Opt. Soc. Am. A 2, 1857-1862 (1985)
Michael J. Steinle, K. Douglas Gennetten Designing a Scanner with Color Vision (pdf) Hewlett-Packard Journal Aug. 1993 pg 52-58
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_ICE”
Categories: Photographic processes
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Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zwan”
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This page was last modified on 1 January 2010 at 18:19.
The Glady Fork is a river, approximately 30 miles (48 km) long, in eastern West Virginia in the United States. It is a tributary of the Dry Fork; via the Dry Fork, the Black Fork, and the Cheat, Monongahela and Ohio Rivers, it is part of the watershed of the Mississippi River, draining an area of 64 square miles (166 km²) in the Allegheny Mountains. With the Dry Fork, the Laurel Fork, the Shavers Fork and the Blackwater River, it is considered to be one of the five principal headwaters tributaries of the Cheat River. The stream was named for the presence of glades along the river.
It is formed at the community of Glady in Randolph County by the confluence of two short northward-flowing streams known as East Fork Glady Fork and West Fork Glady Fork; the forks flow from a ridge known as Lynn Divide which separates the Cheat River watershed in Randolph County from the Greenbrier River watershed in Pocahontas County. From the confluence the Glady Fork flows north-northeastwardly in a meandering course between Middle Mountain and Shavers Mountain in the Monongahela National Forest, through eastern Randolph County into southern Tucker County, where it joins the Dry Fork at the community of Gladwin.
According to the West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection, nearly 94% of the Glady Fork’s watershed is forested, mostly deciduous. The lower half of the river’s course is characterized by continuous Class 2 rapids, with Class 3 whitewater in the lowermost three-to-four miles (5-6 km).
See also
List of West Virginia rivers
References
^ ab“West Fork Glady Fork”. Geographic Names Information System. U.S. Geological Survey. http://geonames.usgs.gov/pls/gnispublic/f?p=gnispq:3:::NO::P3_FID:1553406. Retrieved 2008-09-13.
^ ab“Glady Fork”. Geographic Names Information System. U.S. Geological Survey. http://geonames.usgs.gov/pls/gnispublic/f?p=gnispq:3:::NO::P3_FID:1551246. Retrieved 2008-09-13.
^The American Rivers Outstanding Rivers List, Second Edition, May 1991. Compiled and edited by Matthew H. Huntington and John D. Echeverria. Washington, DC: American Rivers, Inc.
^ abWest Virginia Department of Environmental Protection. “Watershed Atlas Project”. pp. Cheat River. http://www.dep.state.wv.us/watershed/. Retrieved 2007-02-02.
^ Julian, Norman. 2006. “Cheat River.” The West Virginia Encyclopedia. Ken Sullivan, editor. Charleston, WV: West Virginia Humanities Council. ISBN 0-9778498-0-5.
^Kenny, Hamill (1945). West Virginia Place Names: Their Origin and Meaning, Including the Nomenclature of the Streams and Mountains. Piedmont, West Virginia: The Place Name Press. pp. p.271.
^“Geographic Names Information System entry for Lynn Divide (Feature ID #1551972)”. http://geonames.usgs.gov/pls/gnispublic/f?p=gnispq:3:::NO::P3_FID:1551972. Retrieved 2007-02-02.
^ DeLorme (1997). West Virginia Atlas & Gazetteer. Yarmouth, Maine: DeLorme. pp. 37-38, 47. ISBN 0-89933-246-3.
^Davidson, Paul; Ward Eister, Dirk Davidson, Charlie Walbridge (1995). Wildwater West Virginia (4th ed. ed.). Birmingham, Ala.: Menasha Ridge Press. pp. p.85. ISBN 0-89732-156-1.
v•d•e
Monongahela National Forest
National Recreation Areas
Spruce Knob-Seneca Rocks National Recreation Area
Wilderness Areas
Big Draft Wilderness •Cranberry Wilderness •Dolly Sods Wilderness •Laurel Fork North Wilderness •Laurel Fork South Wilderness •Otter Creek Wilderness •Roaring Plains West Wilderness •Spice Run Wilderness
Blackwater Canyon •Camp Allegheny •Bear Rocks Preserve •Canaan Valley •Cheat Summit Fort •Cranberry Glades Botanical Area •Gaudineer Scenic Area •Germany Valley •Highland Scenic Highway •Sinks of Gandy •Smoke Hole Canyon
Rivers and Creeks
Black Fork •Blackwater River •Cheat River •Cranberry River •Dry Fork •Elk River •Gauley River •Glady Fork •Greenbrier River •Laurel Fork •Seneca Creek •South Branch Potomac River •Shavers Fork •Tygart Valley River •Williams River
US Forest Service
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Glady_Fork”
Categories: Monongahela National Forest | Randolph County, West Virginia | Rivers of West Virginia | Tucker County, West Virginia
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